Aside from the word 'earthquake' and many others associated with death and devastation in Port-au-Prince, another much more promising one that keeps coming up on the hours and hours of news is 'resilient'. It is an understatement describing the people of that unfortunate country, the first independent nation in Latin America and the first black-led republic in the world, the first to abolish slavery and the only nation born of a slave revolt. Yet Haiti became a slave not only to its history but also to other more powerful interests.
Christopher Columbus landed at Môle Saint-Nicolas on 5 December 1492, and claimed the island for Spain. Nineteen days later, his flagship, the Santa María, ran aground near the present site of Cap-Haïtien; Columbus was forced to leave behind 39 men, founding the settlement of La Navidad. Following its destruction by the local indigenous people, Columbus moved to the eastern side of the island and established La Isabela. One of the earliest leaders to fight off Spanish conquest was Queen Anacaona, a princess of Xaragua who married Caonabo, the chieftain of Maguana. The couple resisted Spanish rule in vain; she was captured by the Spanish and executed in front of her people. To this day, Anacaona is revered in Haiti as one of the country's founders.
As a gateway to the Caribbean, the island named Española by Columbus (Hispaniola in English) became a haven for pirates. The western part of the island, what was to become Haiti, was settled by French buccaneers.
France and Spain settled hostilities on the island by dividing Hispaniola between them. France received the western third and subsequently named it Saint-Domingue (not the current Santo Domingo, which is the capital city of the Dominican Republic - 'Dominican' derives from Domingo). Saint-Domingue has been described as one of the most brutally efficient slave colonies; fully one-third of newly imported Africans died within a few years.
Inspired by the French Revolution and principles of the rights of men, free people of colour (gens de colouer) and slaves in Saint-Domingue and the French and West Indies pressed for freedom and more civil rights. Most important was the revolution of the slaves in Saint-Domingue, starting in the heavily African-majority northern plains in 1791. In 1792 the French government sent troops to reestablish control., who began to build an alliance with the gens de colouer who wanted more civil rights. In 1793, France and Great Britain went to war, and British troops invaded Saint-Domingue. The execution of Louis XVI heightened tensions in the colony. To build an alliance with the gens de couleur and slaves, the French commissioners abolished slavery in the colony. Six months later, the National Convention in Paris endorsed abolition and extended it to all the French colonies.
Toussaint l'Ouverture, a former slave and leader in the slave revolt—a man who rose in importance as a military commander because of his many skills—achieved peace in Saint-Domingue after years of war against both external invaders and internal dissension. Having established a disciplined, flexible army, l'Ouverture drove out not only the Spaniards but also the British invaders who threatened the colony. He restored stability and prosperity by daring measures that included inviting the return of planters and insisting that freed men work on plantations to renew revenues for the island. He also renewed trading ties with Great Britain and the United States. In the uncertain years of revolution, the United States played both sides, with traders supplying both the French and the rebels.
At the end of the double battle for emancipation and independence, former slaves proclaimed the independence of Saint-Domingue on 1 January 1804, declaring the new nation be named Haïti, to honor one of the indigenous Taíno names for the island. Historians have estimated the slave rebellion resulted in the death of 100,000 blacks and 24,000 of the 40,000 white colonists. In a cruel twist of historcal numbers the first figure resembles that of the estimated deaths in the earthquake.
Starting in September 1824, more than 6,000 American free blacks migrated to Haiti, with transportation paid by the ACS, though many returned to the US within a short time due to the poverty and other difficult conditions there.
The United States occupied the island in 1915 and units were stationed in the country until 1934, leaving Haiti in much better shape after the occupation than before. Infrastructure improvements were particularly impressive: 1700 km of roads were made usable; 189 bridges were built; many irrigation canals were rehabilitated, hospitals, schools, and public buildings were constructed, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. These numbers might be taken into account today by those planning reconstruction.
The occupation forces established a boundary between Haiti and the Dominican Republic by taking disputed land from the latter.
When the US left in 1937, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered his Army to kill Haitians living on the Dominican side of the border. In a "three-day genocidal spree", he murdered between 10,000 and 20,000 Haitians. He then developed a uniquely Dominican policy of racial discrimination, antihaitianismo ("anti-Haitianism"), targeting the mostly-black inhabitants of his neighboring country. Today, and although approximately 98% of agricultural workers in the Dominican Republic are Haitian, antihaitianismo is still present in daily life. This, of course, may have something to do with perceived problems at the border during the aftermath of the earthquake, where difficulties were definitely made to allow relief transport through to the devastated areas and refugees not allowed through in the opposite direction.
However, Haiti's more recent history is also one of aftermath. Dr. François 'Papa Doc' Duvalier was the President of Haiti from 1957 until his death in 1971. In a memorable interview in the 60s he announced that he had been "elected President for Life". His Ton-Ton Macoutes, a sort of loosely-knit 'volunteer' pseudo-military-political force of the type much favoured by dictators everywhere, spread fear and destruction throughout the country.
'Papa Doc' was succeeded by 'Baby Doc', his son, who 'reigned' until he was ousted in 1986 and exiled to France, where he lived a life of luxury on the hills above Cannes until 2003 (Wall Street Journal Special Report, 2003). He was followed by General Henri Namphy, who headed a new National Governing Council.
General elections in November 1987 were aborted hours after dozens of inhabitants were shot in the capital by soldiers and the Ton-Ton Macoute, and scores more were massacred around the country.
The 1990s and 2000s were not any better.
Former priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President in general elections in December 1990, with two-thirds of the vote, but his use of the paramilitary leftovers of the infamous Ton-Ton Macoutes caused him to be subject to a vote of no-confidence in the country's Congress. Arstide's reaction was to give a speech urging his supporters to kill his critics by necklacing and endorsing René Preval. Three days later, he was captured by soldiers and flown to the US. He had nevertheless embezzled Haiti's telecom revenues to a numbered offshore account, and used the money to finance his return.
In 1994, an American team successfully negotiated the departure of Haiti's military leaders and the peaceful entry of U.S. forces under Operation Uphold Democracy, thereby paving the way for the restoration of Aristide as president. In October 1994, he returned to Haiti to complete his term in office.Aristide disbanded the Haitian army, and established a civilian police force, finally vacating the presidency in February 1996, which had been the end of his original 5-year term of office.
René Preval, who had been Aristide's Prime Minister, was elected President for the next 5-year term in 1996, ostensibly with 88% of the vote.
The ruling party organized rigged elections in 2000. Results were declared before counting ballots, a third of the votes were discarded, and the constitutionally mandated requirement for a runoff was ignored. The events brought international condemnation.
Aristide launched widespread violence and human rights abuses, and employed his police and paramilitaries to attack the opposition. The nation's radio stations were firebombed and journalists murdered. Arbitrary arrest and detention, summary executions and police brutality became an everyday reality.
During the 2004 Haitian rebellion, protesters and rebelling soldiers brought an end to the regime. Aristide's exit was secured by U.S. diplomats, whereupon the United Nations stationed peacekeepers in Haiti. Boniface Alexandre assumed interim authority, and in February 2006, following elections marked by uncertainties and popular demonstrations, René Préval was elected president for a further 5-year term. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (also known as MINUSTAH) has been in the country since then.
Can we wonder at the chaos following the earthquake? Can we stand aghast at the evident facts of non-government in Haiti? At the lack of a central control of any kind until well into the first week after destruction? Should we be dismayed at yet another American intervention?
Yes, the Haitians are 'resilient'. They have to be. Like the rest of humanity, they want to survive.
(Pictures by Haitian artists E. Jean-Louis, left, and Bernard Wah) (Sources: Wikipedia, Wall St. Journal, Time Magazine Online, and others.) (An article dated September 2009 in Condé Nast Traveller makes interesting reading.)
Copyright 2010 by Alexander Bewick. All rights reserved.
Christopher Columbus landed at Môle Saint-Nicolas on 5 December 1492, and claimed the island for Spain. Nineteen days later, his flagship, the Santa María, ran aground near the present site of Cap-Haïtien; Columbus was forced to leave behind 39 men, founding the settlement of La Navidad. Following its destruction by the local indigenous people, Columbus moved to the eastern side of the island and established La Isabela. One of the earliest leaders to fight off Spanish conquest was Queen Anacaona, a princess of Xaragua who married Caonabo, the chieftain of Maguana. The couple resisted Spanish rule in vain; she was captured by the Spanish and executed in front of her people. To this day, Anacaona is revered in Haiti as one of the country's founders.
As a gateway to the Caribbean, the island named Española by Columbus (Hispaniola in English) became a haven for pirates. The western part of the island, what was to become Haiti, was settled by French buccaneers.
France and Spain settled hostilities on the island by dividing Hispaniola between them. France received the western third and subsequently named it Saint-Domingue (not the current Santo Domingo, which is the capital city of the Dominican Republic - 'Dominican' derives from Domingo). Saint-Domingue has been described as one of the most brutally efficient slave colonies; fully one-third of newly imported Africans died within a few years.
Inspired by the French Revolution and principles of the rights of men, free people of colour (gens de colouer) and slaves in Saint-Domingue and the French and West Indies pressed for freedom and more civil rights. Most important was the revolution of the slaves in Saint-Domingue, starting in the heavily African-majority northern plains in 1791. In 1792 the French government sent troops to reestablish control., who began to build an alliance with the gens de colouer who wanted more civil rights. In 1793, France and Great Britain went to war, and British troops invaded Saint-Domingue. The execution of Louis XVI heightened tensions in the colony. To build an alliance with the gens de couleur and slaves, the French commissioners abolished slavery in the colony. Six months later, the National Convention in Paris endorsed abolition and extended it to all the French colonies.
Toussaint l'Ouverture, a former slave and leader in the slave revolt—a man who rose in importance as a military commander because of his many skills—achieved peace in Saint-Domingue after years of war against both external invaders and internal dissension. Having established a disciplined, flexible army, l'Ouverture drove out not only the Spaniards but also the British invaders who threatened the colony. He restored stability and prosperity by daring measures that included inviting the return of planters and insisting that freed men work on plantations to renew revenues for the island. He also renewed trading ties with Great Britain and the United States. In the uncertain years of revolution, the United States played both sides, with traders supplying both the French and the rebels.
At the end of the double battle for emancipation and independence, former slaves proclaimed the independence of Saint-Domingue on 1 January 1804, declaring the new nation be named Haïti, to honor one of the indigenous Taíno names for the island. Historians have estimated the slave rebellion resulted in the death of 100,000 blacks and 24,000 of the 40,000 white colonists. In a cruel twist of historcal numbers the first figure resembles that of the estimated deaths in the earthquake.
Starting in September 1824, more than 6,000 American free blacks migrated to Haiti, with transportation paid by the ACS, though many returned to the US within a short time due to the poverty and other difficult conditions there.
The United States occupied the island in 1915 and units were stationed in the country until 1934, leaving Haiti in much better shape after the occupation than before. Infrastructure improvements were particularly impressive: 1700 km of roads were made usable; 189 bridges were built; many irrigation canals were rehabilitated, hospitals, schools, and public buildings were constructed, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. These numbers might be taken into account today by those planning reconstruction.
The occupation forces established a boundary between Haiti and the Dominican Republic by taking disputed land from the latter.
When the US left in 1937, Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered his Army to kill Haitians living on the Dominican side of the border. In a "three-day genocidal spree", he murdered between 10,000 and 20,000 Haitians. He then developed a uniquely Dominican policy of racial discrimination, antihaitianismo ("anti-Haitianism"), targeting the mostly-black inhabitants of his neighboring country. Today, and although approximately 98% of agricultural workers in the Dominican Republic are Haitian, antihaitianismo is still present in daily life. This, of course, may have something to do with perceived problems at the border during the aftermath of the earthquake, where difficulties were definitely made to allow relief transport through to the devastated areas and refugees not allowed through in the opposite direction.
However, Haiti's more recent history is also one of aftermath. Dr. François 'Papa Doc' Duvalier was the President of Haiti from 1957 until his death in 1971. In a memorable interview in the 60s he announced that he had been "elected President for Life". His Ton-Ton Macoutes, a sort of loosely-knit 'volunteer' pseudo-military-political force of the type much favoured by dictators everywhere, spread fear and destruction throughout the country.
'Papa Doc' was succeeded by 'Baby Doc', his son, who 'reigned' until he was ousted in 1986 and exiled to France, where he lived a life of luxury on the hills above Cannes until 2003 (Wall Street Journal Special Report, 2003). He was followed by General Henri Namphy, who headed a new National Governing Council.
General elections in November 1987 were aborted hours after dozens of inhabitants were shot in the capital by soldiers and the Ton-Ton Macoute, and scores more were massacred around the country.
The 1990s and 2000s were not any better.
Former priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President in general elections in December 1990, with two-thirds of the vote, but his use of the paramilitary leftovers of the infamous Ton-Ton Macoutes caused him to be subject to a vote of no-confidence in the country's Congress. Arstide's reaction was to give a speech urging his supporters to kill his critics by necklacing and endorsing René Preval. Three days later, he was captured by soldiers and flown to the US. He had nevertheless embezzled Haiti's telecom revenues to a numbered offshore account, and used the money to finance his return.
In 1994, an American team successfully negotiated the departure of Haiti's military leaders and the peaceful entry of U.S. forces under Operation Uphold Democracy, thereby paving the way for the restoration of Aristide as president. In October 1994, he returned to Haiti to complete his term in office.Aristide disbanded the Haitian army, and established a civilian police force, finally vacating the presidency in February 1996, which had been the end of his original 5-year term of office.
René Preval, who had been Aristide's Prime Minister, was elected President for the next 5-year term in 1996, ostensibly with 88% of the vote.
The ruling party organized rigged elections in 2000. Results were declared before counting ballots, a third of the votes were discarded, and the constitutionally mandated requirement for a runoff was ignored. The events brought international condemnation.
Aristide launched widespread violence and human rights abuses, and employed his police and paramilitaries to attack the opposition. The nation's radio stations were firebombed and journalists murdered. Arbitrary arrest and detention, summary executions and police brutality became an everyday reality.
During the 2004 Haitian rebellion, protesters and rebelling soldiers brought an end to the regime. Aristide's exit was secured by U.S. diplomats, whereupon the United Nations stationed peacekeepers in Haiti. Boniface Alexandre assumed interim authority, and in February 2006, following elections marked by uncertainties and popular demonstrations, René Préval was elected president for a further 5-year term. The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (also known as MINUSTAH) has been in the country since then.
Can we wonder at the chaos following the earthquake? Can we stand aghast at the evident facts of non-government in Haiti? At the lack of a central control of any kind until well into the first week after destruction? Should we be dismayed at yet another American intervention?
Yes, the Haitians are 'resilient'. They have to be. Like the rest of humanity, they want to survive.
(Pictures by Haitian artists E. Jean-Louis, left, and Bernard Wah) (Sources: Wikipedia, Wall St. Journal, Time Magazine Online, and others.) (An article dated September 2009 in Condé Nast Traveller makes interesting reading.)
Copyright 2010 by Alexander Bewick. All rights reserved.
No comments:
Post a Comment